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William Henry Hurlbert

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William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 0:41

Due to the recent interesting discussion in regards to William Henry Hurlbert, former editor of The World, I thought that I would provide some material that I have found on this particular newsman:

The Springfield Republican writes: - "The failure of William Henry Hurlbert to find "Wilfred Murray," his former private secretary, has caused in England a revival of interest in a celebrated case. Mr. Hurlbert is now supposed to be in Mexico, but it is not generally believed that he is hunting for the mythical Murray. He left the United States possibly because of the extradition treaty with Great Britain and his dislike of undergoing another trial of the breach of promise suit brought against him by an actress. The remarkable feature of the first trial, it will be recalled, was the defence that all the letters to the plaintiff, alleged to have been written by Hurlbert, were penned by a wicked, yet clever, private secretary, whose existence has never been proved."

Source: The American Settler, May 21, 1892, Page 71


Last edited by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 5:56; edited 1 time in total

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 5:56

Mr. W.H. Hurlbert is a writer whom those English readers know who have gone beneath the surface in their study of the Irish problem. He has done more than almost any author to show up the Plan and the League, and all their works. He knows France very well. He has been studying France and the French for thirty-five years; and he knows every corner of the country. Is it true, as he says, in his new book on France, that after the payment of the war indemnity, French finance showed a surplus of ninety-eight million francs, and that France now spends twenty million sterling a year more than she contributes to the National Treasury? If this is really the case - and M. Leroy-Beaulieu, an economist of European reputation says it is - there must be a grave significance in the fall of the total Republican voting majority from 768,000 in 1885 to 277,000 last year.

Source: The Echo, Saturday April 26, 1890

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 6:02

The Dublin Express gives prominence to a letter sent to the New York Sun by Mr. Hurlbert which he had received from Captain O'Shea. It contains a protest against the calumnious reports of the circumstances and motives attending Captain O'Shea's marriage. So far from these being true, Captain O'Shea says that as to his wife's character, which was assailed, she was a daughter of the late Sir John Page Wood, and a niece of Sir Evelyn Wood, that the match was one of love, and that her fortune consisted only of 120 pounds a year. As to his treatment of his wife he thinks it sufficient to say that he possesses the friendship of men like Mr. Chamberlain and the affection of the brothers and sisters of the divorced lady.

Source: The Guardian, February 18, 1891, Page 264

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 6:15

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND HOME RULE.

A correspondence between Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Hurlbert has been published, in which the member for West Birmingham says: -

I cannot quite remember now how the American comparison arose in our conversation, but I think I was pointing out to you that the cardinal distinction between Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy and mine was to be found in the fact that he sought to give national Home Rule, while I was not prepared to go further than what I may call provincial Home Rule, similar in character, although not in all its details, to the Home Rule of the United States or the provinces of the Canadian Dominion. In the course of the controversy Irishmen have frequently appealed to these precedents as justifying their demand; but, of course, the real fact is that a State of the American Union, or a province of Canada, has not and never has had any pretension to the rights of a separate nation; and the moment this view of national rights seriously entered the minds of the citizens of the Southern States secession and civil war were the natural results. I think if our American friends understood this, and would work it out, they would cease to be so entirely sympathetic with our Irish secessionists. The national idea as distinguished from the provincial is essentially separatist. Once grant that Ireland is entitled to be considered as a nation and not as a part of a nation, or a state within a nation, and you must follow this out to its logical conclusion, and give them all the rights of a nation, include separate taxation, foreign relations, and military force.

Source: Lloyd's Weekly London Newspaper, January 30, 1887, Page 3

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 6:27

A question was asked in the House of Commons the other day of the Attorney-General as to whether he would advise the instituting of criminal proceedings against either the plaintiff or defendant in a recent notable breach of promise suit - Evelyn v. Hurlbert. It is embarrassing for the Attorney-General to advise in this quasi-judicial capacity upon a case in which he had been counsel for one of the parties. He laboured under the same difficulty in the Parnell Commission, when he doubled the parts of adviser to the Government and advocate for the Times. The position is highly unsatisfactory. How to improve it is not a question to be decided off-hand. It is easy to say that the Law Officers should give up private practice. But it is necessary that the Government should have from their Attorney-General the very best advice which can be got among practicing counsel, and none of the leaders of the Bar would consent to exchange a lucrative and permanent private connection for the precarious tenure of a political office. The only feasible plan is to make the Attorney-General's office permanent and highly paid, such as to tempt a man who would accept a judgeship. But then the drawback is that he would not sit in Parliament and his conduct could not be canvassed by the representatives of the nation.

Source: The Middlesex Courier, May 8, 1891, Page 7

N.B. I believe that I have stumbled upon the real crux of the issue vis a vis Mr. Hurlbert. The mention of his writings in regards to the Irish question is far more interesting and relevant than a breach of promise suit with an actress.

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 6:36

Mr. William Henry Hurlbert in a long letter to the New York Sun shows up the Mugwumps. Mr. Hurlbert, is a strong Democrat, was for long editor of the World, and he is much dissatisfied with these unreliable hybrids, who drop down on a gang of politicians on one side or on a gang of politicians on the other side indiscriminately, and keep them in dread of an avalanche. The New York Times, the independent organ, came down on Hurlbert when a candidate for the Italian mission, because if appointed he would follow Alaric's example and plunder Rome. He must be a strong man this barbarian if he is to be likened to an inroad of the Huns.

Source: The Anglo-American Times, October 30, 1885, Page 12

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 7:03

Mr. Hurlbert's case has furnished a topic for the American press, generally speaking, unfavorable to the defendant in that action. The Attorney-General took up the defence, which is explained by Hurlbert's book on Ireland, "a country" says the N.Y. Nation "of which he knows nothing." The book, they declare, was written to the order of the Liberal Unionists and Tories, and was cracked up as the work of a distinguished foreign observer, composed by an American Catholic. It is desirable for the Conservative Party to keep Hurlbert on the lofty moral plain, and this accounts for the willingness of the Attorney-General to appear in the case. But Mr. Hurlbert is a well-known journalist, who having for many years edited the leading Democratic newspaper of New York, had numerous political enemies; and at one time he was about the best abused man in that commercial metropolis. This makes the Boston Pilot say of him in relation to his "double" Wilfrid Murray: - "We hope he may find him. Any man willing to pass himself off for William Henry Hurlbert ought to be caught and exhibited as a miracle of humility."

Of course he has as strong defenders, who uphold him, against the extraordinary bitterness with which several American dailies have treated him. This makes the New York Truth observe that the animosity towards one of the "most delightful and polished of Americans is difficult to explain. There is no particular reason why Mr. Hurlbert should make enemies. He has always displayed the utmost solicitude in his observance of the niceties of life, and his manner is calculated to win rather than lose friends at all times. He is a man of scholarly attainments, a keen literary critic, and a delightful writer. Old New Yorkers recall his first appearance in this city. He was a man of fashion and a society leader before he obtained a wider fame as an editor. Since he has been in England he has easily been the most conspicuous of American residents there, and though he has kept out of diplomatic circles more or less persistently, he has attained a wide degree of popularity among people of social and political prominence."

Source: The Anglo-American Times, May 15, 1891, Page 11

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 19:03

MR. HURLBERT AFTER "WILFRED MURRAY."

NEW YORK, June 23. - Mr. Hurlbert is at present the guest of Mr. Hewitt, the ex-Mayor of New York. In an interview with a Press representative today, he said: - "In a few weeks' time I shall have much to say. At present it is my policy to be silent. I am hunting Wilfred Murray, as are also others, who, when he is found, will furnish me with the means to make such a serious disclosure as neither the English nor the American people dream of. Mine is not the only case of outrageous treatment offered to Americans in England, but I will show them up before I get through. I have had detectives working for months. I am going to the White Mountains for a change and rest, and am in no hurry to return to London during the heat."

Source: The Echo, Wednesday June 24, 1891

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 19:11

Mr. Henry Hurlbert, editor of the World, and George d'Arenburg, financial editor of the Herald, have returned to New York from Europe.

Source: The Anglo-American Times, October 11, 1878, Page 14

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 20:35

Mr. Hurlbert, late of the N.Y. World, is said to have told some of his friends at the close of the farewell dinner, that after his return from Europe within a year he would establish a daily in New York; that while abroad he would engage foreign correspondents, and make a special study of certain features of Old World journalism; that he would be backed by August Belmont, S.L.M. Barlow, Samuel Tilden, and other rich Democrats, and that he would make it such a journal as America had never yet seen. We have often heard of men, who know nothing of journalism, speak of establishing "such a newspaper as has never been yet seen;" but it is not often that veteran journalists speak after that fashion; however - it is only just to say - it was at the close of a big dinner!

Source: The Anglo-American Times, June 29, 1883, Page 16

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 20:42

The death is announced from Italy of Mr. W.H. Hurlbert, after a prolonged illness, at the age of 68. The deceased will be remembered as the defendant in a notorious breach of promise suit, in which there is now little doubt that he committed gross perjury. The "Wilfred Murray" whom he declared to be the real culprit has never been seen or heard of since. Mr. Hurlbert, to avoid arrest on a charge of perjury, left this country, to which he never returned. Mr. Hurlbert wrote "Ireland Under Coercion," being a vindication of Mr. Balfour's administration as Irish Secretary.

Source: The Hackney Express and Shoreditch Observer, September 14, 1895, Page 4

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 23:42

Mr. Hurlbert has been in communication with Inspector Byrne, of New York, in reference to "Wilfred Murray." When Mr. Hurlbert reaches New York his first step, as we are told, will be to consult Inspector Byrne.

Source: The Echo, Thursday April 30, 1891, Page

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sat 19 Nov 2011 - 23:47

Ireland.

Colonel Dopping, who extracted the celebrated apology from Mr. Gladstone, now threatens an action for libel against Mr. Hurlbert, an American gentleman, whose book on Ireland under Coercion, recently attracted considerable notice. Mr. Hurlbert, it is said, has been misled by very inaccurate information about Gweedore, and he has made statements imputing its disturbed state to Colonel Dopping and his "foibles."

Source: The Guardian, October 31, 1888, Page 1629

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sun 20 Nov 2011 - 12:46

THE EDITOR AND THE ACTRESS.
LORD ROTHSCHILD CALLED AS A WITNESS.

MR. HURLBERT'S SIGNATURES.
HIS ACCUSATION AGAINST MR. WILFRED MURRAY.

The action for breach of promise of marriage brought by Miss Gertrude Ellis, known as Mrs. Evelyn on the stage, against Mr. W.H. Hurlbert, was resumed this morning, in the Queen's Bench Divisional Court, before Justice Cave and a special jury. Mr. Candy, Q.C., and Mr. A. Yates appeared for the plaintiff; and the Attorney-General, Mr. Cock, Q.C., and Mr. L. Davies were for the defendant.

LORD ROTHSCHILD'S EVIDENCE.

Lord Rothschild was the first witness called. His lordship said he resided at 148, Piccadilly. He remembered Jubilee Day in 1887. He then had a large party at his house for the purpose of witnessing the procession. Mr. Hurlbert, who was one of his guests, came about ten o'clock, and remained until two or three o'clock. There was no cross-examination of the witness.

THE EVIDENCE OF THE HOUSEMAID.

Phoebe Burton, who had been in the defendant's service two years and eight months as housemaid, said she answered the door in the absence of the men-servants. Mr. Hurlbert was a great deal indoors, and worked in the billiard-room. A man used to visit him who gave the name of Rowling or Roland. He was tall, stoutly-built, and dark. She let him into the house often. He mostly came in the evening. She usually showed him into the billiard-room, and she went to bed before he left. They remained in Southwell-gardens up to the April of 1889. After that time she never answered the door; it was answered by the man-servant, who left Mr. Hurlbert's service last year. On one occasion the gentleman dined with Mr. Hurlbert, and they talked about Ireland.
In cross-examination by Mr. Candy, the witness said the gentleman was darker than Mr. Hurlbert. There were, however, something alike in their appearances; he was of the same height as Mr. Hurlbert, bald, and had an iron-grey moustache. She could not say if he had a grey beard. He certainly had dark hair. She had never heard him called by any other name than that of Roland or Rowling.

MR. HURLBERT AGAIN IN THE BOX.

The defendant was recalled. He said he was in Normandy on the 1st of September, 1887. He had been in various parts of France for a month previously. The letter produced he wrote to his wife and posted it at Boulogne on September 2nd, 1887. It opened with "My dearest Kitty," and recalled to his mind that he had been in France at that time. The visitors'-book of the Grosvenor Hotel was put in. In this book there was a signature, "Wilfred Murray," which the defendant said he did not write.
Mr. Justice Cave asked whether there were any of the defendant's signatures in the book.
The Attorney-General said he did not think there were in this book, but other books would be examined.
The defendant added that the book lay in the ante-room of the hotel, and anyone might have gone in and added a signature without being observed.
By Mr. Candy - He might have done this himself without being seen. He found the letter read amongst his wife's papers. The letter was dated September 2nd, but no year was given. He objected to the signature of the letter being seen, because it was attached to a part of the letter which was private.
Mr. Candy said he did not want to see the private part of the letter, but he repeated his application as to the signature.
The defendant said he would drive home, and produce the signature in the afternoon.

TWO LETTERS OF WILFRED MURRAY'S.

Two letters written by Mr. Wilfred Murray, from Washington were put in; and the Attorney-General, in answer to Mr. Justice Cave, said his case was that the letters were written by the same person who wrote the letters to the plaintiff.
In reply to Mr. Justice Cave, the defendant said he first knew Murray in 1881. He paid him in the way of remuneration about 300 pounds or 400 pounds a year, and travelling expenses. He had the whole of his time when in America; only intermittently in 1887 and 1888; and altogether during the Parnell Commission. Mr. Macdonald, of the Times, asked him to recommend him someone to send to America, and Murray was anxious to go, but he did not think him safe.

THE CLUB PORTER'S EVIDENCE.

Timothy O'Donnell, who had been for five years a hall-porter at the Orleans Club, of which Mr. Hurlbert was a member, was next called. He said he never knew Mr. Hurlbert by any other name. A man who was full-faced and of military appearance often called, and asked to see, and saw, Mr. Hurlbert. He often got club paper, and wrote upon it. He gave the name of Roland or Rowling. In cross-examination, the witness said he had not received packets from France addressed to Mr. Hurlbert at the Orleans Club. He had received newspapers. He did not think he could have mistaken Mr. Hurlbert for Roland or Rowling, as he knew him so well.
By Mr. Justice Cave - Papers were sometimes addressed to persons under care of members at the club. Papers were never addressed there to Wilfred Murray. The club seal was laid on the table.

"MR. AND MRS. JACKSON AT CHELSEA."

Mrs. Hughes, of Chelsea, said she had apartments to let, and advertised them in November, 1888. They were taken by Mr. Jackson, and Mr. Jackson and the plaintiff occupied them as man and wife until the following January or February, when they went to Cheyne-walk. They had with them a servant and a little boy.
In cross-examination witness said they came in to her apartments on a Saturday night. They gave the names of Jackson. She never saw a lady or gentleman visit them. The child was five or six years old, and was called Walter, and the servant's name was Ellen.
Mrs. Brigden, wife of Stephen Brigden, Bostall-hill, Whitstable, said, in July, 1890, she advertised apartments, and Mrs. Evelyn went there and lived with the witness Jackson, whom she knew as Mr. Evelyn.
The Attorney-General said he had other witnesses as to this part of the case, but it would not be necessary to call them, as it was admitted in the interrogatories that the plaintiff and Mr. Jackson had lived together after May, 1890, up to within three months ago.

"MR. JACKSON" AS REFERENCE.

Mr. Catesly, of the firm of auctioneers in Tottenham-court-road, stated that he let some furniture to the plaintiff in March, 1887. Mr. B. Jackson was her reference. 12 pounds odd had not been paid.
In cross-examination, the witness said he could not take away the furniture as he had not the opportunity.
Mr. Griffiths, managing clerk to Messrs. Lewis and Lewis, produced the instructions given by Mr. Lewis to the witnesses for the defence.
The Attorney-General proposed to read them.
Mr. Candy objected, and the objection was sustained.
In answer to further questions, witness said the defence was prepared by Mr. Lionel Hart. Mr. Hurlbert had nothing to do with putting the alternative plea on the record. It was put on the record by Mr. Lewis after he received the report of the detective.
The evidence of Mr. Ernest Beckett, M.P., of 138, Piccadilly, taken on commission, was then read in support of the alibi raised in regard to Brighton.
Mrs. Beckett's testimony was of a similar character.

THE DEFENDANT FURTHER CROSS-EXAMINED.

The defendant was then again recalled, and was submitted to further cross-examination. He denied that he had given an indecent book or engraving in his life to any woman.
Mr. Candy - Did you ever give an indecent book or engraving to anyone?
The Defendant - Not that I remember. It depends upon the definition as to what is indecent. There were those who said that the Rabelais pictures and the "Decameron" were indecent.
Mr. Candy - Do you think they are indecent?
The Defendant - I decline to answer. That question must be considered out of this Court.
Mr. Candy - Did you ever live at St. James's-place, South Kensington?
The Defendant - I did.
Mr. Candy - Was your landlord Mr. Deane?
Mr. Deane was then called, and the defendant admitted that he had been his landlord at that place in 1883.
Mr. Candy - Had you a large number of filthy, revolting, and indecent prints and pictures in your wardrobe at that place?
The Defendant - I will explain.
Mr. Candy - Answer yes or no?
Mr. Justice Cave said the witness was entitled to explain.
The Defendant - A friend of mine, no longer living, had a package of French and Italian things - pictures and drawings - sent to him. He had access to my room, and I believe this gentleman deposited the articles in my room. I was an unmarried man at the time, and my rooms were entirely at his service; and there they were found.
Mr. Candy - And the gentleman thought there was no more suitable place to leave them?
The Defendant - I am not called upon to accept your opinion of a dead friend of mine.
Mr. Candy - Was your dead friend an American and a fellow-subject?
The Defendant - A fellow-citizen.
Mr. Candy - You never had the curiosity to examine them?
The Defendant - I had not.
Mr. Candy - It was, I suppose, a trumpery matter.
The defendant then left the box, and was instructed to bring to the Court a number of his signatures.
The plaintiff was recalled by Mr. Candy, and was asked a few questions as to her brother-in-law, Mr. Lockington, who had sent her remittances to maintain her child.

THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S SPEECH.

The Attorney-General then proceeded to sum up the case for the defendant, urging that the action of the plaintiff was an abominable conspiracy, which the evidence of Mr. Hurlbert had exposed. The jury could not believe that the defendant would have gone into the witness-box and made the statements he had unless they were true. Sir Richard dwelt at length on what he described as the inconsistency of the plaintiff's story, especially with regard to her assertion that the defendant, who was a married man and well known, took her to hotels where he was well known. He suggested that the whole of the letters were written by Wilfred Murray; but he questioned as to whether Murray had ever promised marriage to the plaintiff. Mr. Hurlbert had (proceeded Sir Richard) shown that he was a charitable man in assisting the plaintiff to get an introduction to Mr. Wilson Barrett. He complained that certain of the evidence relating to the seals and the envelopes from the Orleans Club had been sprung on the defendant. He warned the jury as to the stock argument which had been raised for the plaintiff as to the calling of Mr. Wilfred Murray. Mr. Hurlbert had so strong a conviction of his own innocence that he had not even read the letters. The learned counsel further asserted that if Wilfred Murray wrote the letters, that was a reason why he had decamped.
Mr. Candy said that that had never been proved. There was no evidence that he had ever existed.
The Attorney-General further pointed out that while the plaintiff had destroyed the indecent books, she had kept certain letters which were infinitely worse. He also touched upon the explanation as to the alternative plea.
The Court adjourned for luncheon at 1:30.
On the resumption of the Court, the Attorney-General continued his address to the jury. He referred to various details in the plaintiff's diary. He commented on the fact that no witnesses had been called to show that Mr. Hurlbert and the plaintiff had been seen at hotels together.
(The report will be continued.)

Source: The Echo, Friday April 17, 1891

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sun 20 Nov 2011 - 20:39

In a letter to the Times Mr. Moreton Frewen makes a strong point, worth a good deal more consideration than casual readers may possibly have given it. Mr. Hurlbert having also written a letter to the Times, in reply to Mr. Chamberlain's recent speech, spoke of the twelve original States of the American Union having compelled a dissentient island upon their coast to come into the federation by putting on "the screw of superior strength." On this, Mr. Frewen, "whose accurate knowledge of life and affairs across the Atlantic entitles him to the position of expert on such points, pertinently says:

"It would be interesting to know the exact nature of this display of strength. Was it with big battalions and castle rule - was it with "law administered in a foreign garb," that Rhode Island was compelled to federate, or was it, as I have always heard, that the twelve States said to the thirteenth, "Unless you become one with us as we close our markets to your produce by the imposition of a hostile tariff?"

And then he continues -

"A Customs union was and is today the very backbone of the American Constitution. If a single State wishes to secede, it is deterred by the knowledge that to do so would involve the loss of its entire population.
"Mr. Hurlbert, though a Free Trader himself, will yet admit that the strongest argument at the disposal of the Protectionist party in the United States is this - that the privilege of market jealousy, confied to each federate part, enables the majority to control the minority without a resort to arms."

Source: Fair-Trade, February 4, 1887, Page 197

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Sun 20 Nov 2011 - 21:13

HOME RULE AND THE TORIES.

Mr. Gladstone has again revived the old fable that he had offered the patent of his Home Rule panacea to the Tories in 1885, but that it was rejected by them. In a letter addressed to Mr. C. McClery he asserts that, "On the dissolution of 1885 I used every effort, public and private, to induce the Tories to take up Home Rule, and promised them my support. Only on their refusal did it become the cause of the Liberals." - Times, October 29th, 1889, p. 9, c. 6.
The truth of this wonderful effort of self-abnegation is told in the following correspondence. The first is in reply to an inquiry as to the truth of Mr. Gladstone's statement: -

I. - MR. BALFOUR TO MR. HURLBERT.

"Dear Mr. Hurlbert, - Stated in that way I should say the assertion was misleading. On December 20th, 1885, Mr. Gladstone wrote me a letter in which he expressed a desire that the Irish question should be dealt with by the then existing Government, intimating that in that case his desire would be to treat any proposal they might make in the same spirit in which he had treated their action in Afghanistan and the Balkan Peninsula, reserving to himself, however, all necessary freedom. There was nothing in that letter to indicate what scheme he was prepared to support, and the words used, taken by themselves, and without the commentary supplied by Mr. Herbert Gladstone's indiscretions, would have covered a policy of coercion as well as a policy of Home Rule.
"It should be recollected that the only indications publicly given of Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy at that time were contained in his Midlothian speeches, and that in the course of these speeches he took occasion to ask the country to give him an overwhelming Liberal majority in order that he might himself have a free hand in dealing with the Irish problem. It is curious to note that while one of the accusations made against the Conservative party is, that for the sake of office they were prepared to coquet with the Parnellites and themselves to take up the question of Home Rule, their unhesitating rejection of Mr. Gladstone's overtures conclusively proves that office to be held on the tenure of carrying out the Irish policy hinted at by Mr. Gladstone had no attractions for them. One would also like to know why Mr. Gladstone, if he had made up his mind on Home Rule, did not boldly raise that issue on the Queen's Speech, and turn the Government out on it (if he could), rather than snatch a division on a subordinate question with which Lord Salisbury's Government were solemnly pledged to deal. - Very truly yours,

"June 23rd, 1886."
(Signed.) A.J. BALFOUR

Source: The Primrose League Gazette, November 16, 1889, Page 8

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Mon 21 Nov 2011 - 0:46

BREACH OF PROMISE CHARGE.

In the Queen's Bench Division, before Mr. Justice Cave and a special jury, the case of "Evelyn v. Hurlbert" was heard today. This was an action for breach of promise of marriage, the plaintiff being Miss Gladys Evelyn, and the defendant Mr. W.H. Hurlbert. The plaintiff also claimed in respect of rent, which, she said, the defendant promised to pay for a house. The defendant pleaded that the promise of marriage was conditional, and that there was no consideration for the promise as to rent.
Mr. Candy, Q.C., and Mr. Yates were counsel for the plaintiff; the Attorney-General (Sir Richard Webster, Q.C.), and Mr. J.L. Davies being for the defendant.
Mr. Candy, in opening the case for the plaintiff, said the plaintiff's real name was Gertrude Ellis. She was born in the West Indies in 1867, was for some time governess in Russia, in the family of one of the Grand Dukes. She was for some time in Egypt. She became an actress, and played in The Colleen Bawn and The Ticket-of-Leave Man. She met the defendant in 1887, when he was attracted by her as she came out of an omnibus, and made her acquaintance. He gave his name as Mr. Wilfred Murray. He made her a promise of marriage, which was unconditional.
The case is proceeding.

Source: The Echo, Monday April 13, 1891

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Mon 21 Nov 2011 - 0:50

There seems to be some doubt as to whether Mr. Hurlbert is really dead, or whether he has only disappeared, as the mysterious Wilfred Murray did. A voyager has rushed into print with the statement that he saw Mr. Hurlbert and his wife travelling by steamer on Lake Como after the brilliant journalist was reported dead and buried. Perhaps it was Wilfred Murray that the traveller saw.

Source: The Man of the World, Wednesday October 16, 1895

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Mon 21 Nov 2011 - 1:05

Mr. Sexton and others have been complaining about the treatment of Father M'Fadden, who is imprisoned in Londonderry Gaol for four months without hard labour. Father M'Fadden is allowed to have his meals sent in from an hotel, and he has been using this means of communication with the outside world for writing to the papers. He has been told that he must now order his food from another hotel, as the servants at the first have connived at his breaches of discipline. In spite of this precaution he has got another long letter passed out of the prison, in which he makes many complaints. The style of his letter, however, is jocular, and, though he talks of his life blood being sucked out of him, his friends will not find in it any serious cause for alarm. At the end of his letter he expresses a general intention of holding his peace unless he is seriously provoked. If by any chance the references to him in the book just written by Mr. Hurlbert should penetrate to his cell we may expect that Father M'Fadden will be very seriously provoked. He will doubtless before long tell us whether it is true that his income at Gweedore is over 1,100 pounds a year, while the whole of the rent due to the much-abused landlord is under 700 pounds, and whether he has made some very handsome prices by selling the tenant-right of land which he now represents as so worthless to the tenants. Is it true that he has himself three holdings from Captain Hill at 15s., 6s., and 11s. 2d., and his house-holding at 2s. a year, and that for the three former he is more than two years in arrear?

Source: The Guardian, August 22, 1888, Page 1232

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Mon 21 Nov 2011 - 1:19

Truth says: I have received the following letter from Mr. Marion Crawford in respect to Wilfred Murray, and it certainly goes far to show indirectly that in 1885 there was a man of this name, and that his writing was somewhat like that of Mr. Hurlbert, unless we are to assume that the latter had then started this double with a view to future contingencies, which seems somewhat of an improbability. But where is Wilfred Murray now? This is the problem. If he be the writer of the notorious letters, it can hardly be supposed that he not only fascinated a lady in an omnibus, but that he was selected, like Enoch and Elijah, for being taken up to Heaven. The world is large, but with railroads, and steamers, and telegraphs there is much inter-communication. Possibly, therefore, a large reward for the discovery of his whereabouts would bring him to light: "Villa Crawford, Sant' Agnello di Sorrento, June 6th, 1892. Sir. - With regard to the existence of the man Wilfred Murray, whose name occurred frequently in the Hurlbert case, will you allow me to make a statement which should go far towards proving that there really is or was such a man? In the year 1885 it chanced that Mr. Hurlbert and I, who are old acquaintances, were both stopping at the hotel Cocumella, in Sorrento, in the month of June. On a day shortly before the 15th, a date which I am able to fix, we were talking together in the afternoon and the conversation turned upon peculiarities of handwriting. Mr. Hurlbert then spoke of Wilfred Murray by name and mentioned the fact that he was often not able to distinguish Murray's handwriting from his own. He also gave a short description of the man's appearance, from which I gathered that Murray somewhat resembled him. This conversation having taken place before the question of Murray's existence had any importance, ought, I think, to be made public in Mr. Hurlbert's interest. - I am, sir, your obedient servant, F. MARION CRAWFORD."

Source: Blackheath Gazette, Friday June 24, 1892, Page 2

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Tue 22 Nov 2011 - 0:33

"IRELAND UNDER COERCION."

"Ireland Under Coercion: the Diary of an American."
By William Henry Hurlbert. 2 vols. Edinburgh, David Douglas, 1888.

"THE TIMES," SATURDAY, AUGUST 18.

On his return to Dublin Mr. Hurlbert met Davitt, whom he had known before, and in whose earnestness and ability he believes, though perceiving the dangerous drift of his agitation. From Dublin he started for Clare, where he found a state of things not different in essentials from that he had examined into in Donegal. He was much interested in the Milltown Malbay boycotting case and the trustworthiness of Mr. J. Redmond's assertions: -

This morning Colonel Turner called my attention to the report in the papers of a colloquy between the Chief Secretary for Ireland and Mr. J. Redmond, M.P., in the House, on the subject of last week's trials at Ennis. In speaking of the boycotting at Milltown Malbay of a certain Mrs. Connell, Mr. Balfour described the case as one of barbarous inhumanity shown to a helpless old woman. Mr. Redmond, denying this, asserted that he had seen the woman Connell a fortnight ago in Court, and that so far from her being a decrepit old woman, she was only fifty years of age, hale and hearty, but disreputable and given to drink; he also said she was drunk at the trial - so drunk that the Crown Prosecutor, Mr. Otter, was obliged to order her down from the table.
"What are the facts?" I asked. "Mr. Balfour speaks from report and belief, Mr. Redmond asserts that he speaks from actual observation."
"The facts," said Colonel Turner quietly, "are that Mr. Balfour's statement is accurate, and that Mr. Redmond, speaking from actual observation, asserts the thing that is not."
"Where is the old woman?" I asked. "Would it be possible for me to see her?"
"Certainly; she is at no great distance, and I will with pleasure send a car with an officer to bring her here this afternoon."

After giving an account of the circumstances of the boycotting and of the trial, Mr. Hurlbert describes the promised visit. It would be a pity to curtail his description: -

After luncheon a car came up to the mansion, bringing a stalwart, good-natured-looking sergeant of police, and with him the boycotted old woman, Mrs. Connell, and her son. The sergeant helped the old woman down very tenderly, and supported her into the house. She came in with some trepidation and uneasiness, glancing furtively about her, with the look of a hunted creature in her eyes. Her son, who followed her, was more at his ease, but he also had a worried and careworn look. Both were warmly but very poorly clad, and both worn and weather-beaten of aspect. The old woman might have passed anywhere for a witch, so wizened and weird she was, of small stature, and bent nearly double by years and rheumatism. Her small hands were withered away into claws, and her head was covered with a thick and tangled mat of hair, half dark, half gray, which gave her the look almost of the Feugian savages who came off from the shore in their flat rafts and clamour to you for "rum" in the Straits of Magellan. Her eyes were intensely bright, and shone like hot coals in her dusky, wrinkled face. It was a raw day, and she came in shivering with the cold. It was pathetic to see how she positively gloated with extended palms over the bright warm fire in the drawing-room, and clutched at the cup of hot tea which my kind hostess instantly ordered in for her.
This was the woman described in his place in Parliament by Mr. J. Redmond, M.P., as "a woman only fifty years of age, hale and hearty, but disreputable and given to drink." Her son, who came in and stood beside her, might have been sixty some years ago so far as his appearance went.
"How old is your mother?" I asked him.
"I am not rightly sure, Sir," he replied, "but she is more than eighty."
"The man himself is about fifty," said the sergeant; "he volunteered to go to the Crimean War, and that was more than thirty years ago."

"I did, indeed, Sir," broke in the man, "and it was from Cork I went. And I'd be a corpse now if it wasn't for the mercy of God and the protection. God bless the police, Sir, that protected my old mother, Sir, and me. That Mr. Redmond, Sir, they read me what he said, and sure he should be ashamed of his shadow to get up there in Parliament and tell those lies, Sir, about my old mother."
I questioned Connell as to his relations with Carroll, the man who brought him before the League. He was a labourer holding a bit of ground under Carroll. Carroll refused to pay his own rent to the landlord. But he compelled Connell to pay rent to him. When Carroll was evicted, the landlord offered to let Connell have half an acre more of land. He took it to better himself, and "how did he injure Carroll by taking it?" How, indeed, poor man! Was he a rent-warner? Yes; he earned something that way two or three times a year; and for that he had to ask the protection of the police - "they would kill him else." What with worry and fright and the loss of his livelihood, this unfortunate labourer has evidently been broken down morally and physically. It is impossible to come into contact with such living proofs of the ineffable cowardice and brutality of this business of "boycotting" without indignation and disgust.
While Connell was telling his pitiful tale a happy thought occurred to the charming daughter of the house. Mrs. Stacpoole is a clever amateur in photography. "Why not photograph this "hale and hearty woman of fifty," with her son of fifty-three?" Mrs. Stacpoole clapped her hands at the idea, and went off to prepare her apparatus.
While she was gone the sergeant gave me an account of the trial, which Mr. Redmond, M.P., witnessed. He was painfully explicit. "Mr. Redmond knew the woman was sober," he said; "she was lifted up on the table at Mr. Redmond's express request because she was so small and old, and spoke in such a low voice that he could not hear what she said. Connell had always been a decent, industrious fellow - a fisherman. But for the lady, Mrs. Moroney, he and his mother would have been starved, and would starve now. As for the priest, Father White, Connell went to him to ask his intercession and help, but he could get neither."
Presently the sun came out with golden glow, and with the sun came out Mrs. Stacpoole. It was a job to "pose" the subjects, the old woman evidently suspecting some surgical or legal significance in the machinery displayed, and her son finding some trouble in making her understand what it meant. But finally we got the tall, personable sergeant, with his frank, shrewd, sensible face, to put himself between the two, in the attitude as of a guardian angel; the camera was nimbly adjusted, and lo! the thing was done.
Mrs. Stacpoole thinks the operation promises a success. I suppose it would hardly be civil to send a finished proof of the group to Mr. J. Redmond, M.P.
Among the subjects which Mr. Hurlbert was resolved to investigate most thoroughly were the evictions at Glenbeigh, and on the Clanricarde, Ponsonby, Brooke, and Lansdowne estates. At Glenbeigh his opinion was soon made up: the facts ascertained by him fully bear out the theory that the "crisis" was a "put-up" job, and that the evicted tenants were well paid for the theatrical part they played: -

Not long ago a man in Tralee tried to bribe the agent into having him evicted, that he might make a claim on this fund. At Killorglin the Post Office Savings Bank deposits, which stood at 282 pounds 15s. 9d. in 1880, rose in 1887 to 1,299 pounds 2s. 6d. James Griffin, despite or because of the two evictions through which he has passed, is very well off. He owns a very good horse and cart and seven or eight head of cattle. His arrears now amount to about 240 pounds, and on being urged yesterday to make a proposition which might avoid an eviction, he gravely offered to pay 8 pounds of the current half-year's rent in cash and the remaining 5 pounds in June, the landlord taking on himself all the costs and giving him a clean receipt.
Of the pressure by which softer inducements were supplemented he says: -

An old man and his son, so poor that they lay naked in their beds, were taken out and shot by a party of Moonlighters for breaking a boycott. They were left for dead, and their bodies thrown upon a dunghill. The boy, however, was still alive when they were found, and it was thought he might recover. The magistrates questioned him as to his knowledge of the murderers. The boy's mother stood behind the magistrate, and when the question was put held up her finger in a warning manner at the poor lad. She didn't wish him to "peach," as if he lived, the friends of the murderers would make it impossible for them to keep their holding and live on it. The lad lied, and died with the lie on his lips. Who shall sit in judgment on that wretched mother and her son? But what rule can possibly be too stern to crush out the terrorism which makes such things possible? And what right have Englishmen to expect their dominion to stand in Ireland when their party leaders for party ends shake hands with men who wink at and use this terrorism?

He reports a conversation with Mr. Tener, the agent of the Clanricarde Estate, who says: -

"The trouble comes not from the tenants at all, nor from the people here at Portumna, but from mischievous and dangerous persons at Loughrea and Woodford. Woodford, mind you, not being Lord Clanricarde's place at all, though all the country has been roused about the cruel Clanricarde and his wicked Woodford evictions. Woodford was simply the headquarters of the agitation against Lord Clanricarde and my predecessor, Mr. Joyce, and it has got the name of the "cockpit of Ireland," because it was there that Mr. Dillon, in October, 1886, opened the "war against the landlords" with the "Plan of Campaign.".......I will introduce you, if you will allow me, to the Catholic Bishop here and to the resident Protestant clergyman, and to the manager of the bank, and they can help you to form your own judgment as to the state of the tenants. You will find that whatever quarrels they may have had with their landlord or his agent, they are now, and always have been, quite able to pay their rents, and I need not tell you that it is no longer in the power of a landlord or an agent to say what these rents shall be."
But the general question does not turn upon the merits or demerits of Lord Clanricarde or his agent; it is determined by the action of the League. Mr. Hurlbert feels no doubt about the true character of that "voluntary body." He says: -

This makes the importance of Mr. Dillon's speech, that by his denunciation of any member who wishes to withdraw from this "voluntary" combination as a "traitor," and by his order to "close upon the money" of any such member "and use it for the organization," he brands the "organization" as a subterranean despotism of a very cheap and nasty kind. The Government which tolerates the creation of such a Houndsditch tyranny as this within its dominions richly deserves to be overthrown.

As to the oppression of which Lord Clanricarde's tenants complain, here is a case in point: -

The case of Father Coen is most instructive and most unpleasant. He occupies an excellent house on a holding of twenty-three acres of good land, with a garden - in short, a handsome country residence, which was provided by the late Lord Clanricarde expressly for the accommodation of whoever might be the Catholic priest in that part of his estate. For all this the rent is fixed at the absurd and nominal sum of two guineas a year. Yet Father Coen, who now enjoys the mansion and has a substantial income from the parish, is actually 2-1/2 years in arrears with this rent. This fact Mr. Tener mentioned to the Bishop, whose countenance naturally darkened. "What am I to do in such a case, my lord?" asked Mr. Tener. "Do? said the Bishop; "do your plain duty, and proceed against him according to law." But suppose he were proceeded against and evicted, as in America he certainly would be, who can doubt that he would instantly be paraded before the world on both sides of the Atlantic as a "martyr," suffering for the holy cause of an oppressed and down-trodden people at the hands of a "most vile" Marquis and of a remorseless and blood-thirsty agent?

An amusing story is told, which might be paralleled in the experience of almost every Irish land agent, of an over-crafty tenant on a Leitrim estate: -

This tenant, whom we will call Denis, was the fugleman also of a combination. He was a cattle-dealer as well as a farmer, and having spent a couple of hours in idly eloquent attempts to bring about a general abatement of the rents, he lost his patience.
"Ah, well, your honour," he said, "I can't stay here all day talking like these men, I must go to the fair at Boyle. Will you take a deposit-receipt of the bank for 10 pounds and give me the pound change? That'll just be the 9 pounds for the half-year's rent. But all the same, yer honour, those men are all farmers, and it's not out of the farm at all I made the 10 pounds, it's out of the dealing."
"But you couldn't deal without a farm, Denis, for the stock," said the agent, as he glanced at the receipt. He hastily turned it over, and went on, "Just endorse the receipt, and I'll consider your proposition."
The receipt was endorsed, and at once taken off by the agent's clerk to the bank to bring back pound notes for it, while the agent quietly proceeded to fill out the regular form of receipt for a full year's rent, 18 pounds. Denis noticed what he supposed, of course, to be the agent's blunder, but like an astute person held his peace. The clerk came back with the notes. Denis took up his receipt, and the agent quietly began handing him note after note across the table.
"But, your honour!" exclaimed Denis, "what on earth are ye giving me all this money for?"
"It's your change," said the agent, quite imperturbably. "You gave me a bank receipt for 100 pounds. I have given you a receipt for your full year's rent, and here are 82 pounds in notes and with it 18s. in silver. - that's 5 per cent reduction. I would have made it 10 per cent, only you were so very sharp, first about not having the money, and then about the full receipt!
In an instant all eyes were fastened upon Denis. Ichabod! the glory had departed. The chorus went up from his disenchanted followers: -
"Ah, glory be to God, you were not bright enough for the agent, Denis!"
And so that day the agent made a very full and handsome collection - and there was a slight reduction in the deposit-accounts of the local bank.

(To be continued.)

Source: The Mercury, Saturday September 8, 1888, Page 3

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Tue 22 Nov 2011 - 19:21

"IRELAND UNDER COERCION."

"Ireland under Coercion: the Diary of an American." By William Henry Hurlbert. 2 vols. Edinburgh, David Douglas, 1888.

"THE TIMES," SATURDAY, AUGUST 18.

Taking the case of one evicted tenant at Woodford, Mr. Hurlbert examines it in the light of his American experience: -

I have here with me the seventh annual report of the Bureau of Statistics of Massachusetts. From this I learn that in 1876 the average yearly wages earned by workmen in Massachusetts were $482.72, or in round numbers something over 96 pounds. Out of this amount the Massachusettes workman had to feed, clothe, and house himself and those dependent on him.
His outlay for rent alone was on the average $109.07, or, in round numbers, rather less than 22 pounds, making 22-1/2 per cent of his earnings.

How was it with Mr. Egan? Out of his labour on his holding he got merchantable crops worth 60 pounds sterling, or, in round numbers, $300, besides producing in the shape of vegetables and dairy stuff, pigs, and poultry, certainly a very large proportion of the food necessary for his household, and raising and fattening beasts worth at a low estimate 20 pounds, or $100 more. And while thus engaged his outlay for rent, which included not only the house in which he lived, but the land out of which he got the returns of his labour expended upon it, was 8 pounds 15s., or considerably less than one-half the outlay of the Massachusetts workman upon the rent of nothing more than a roof to shelter himself and his family. Furthermore, the money thus paid out by the Massachusetts workman for rent was simply a tribute paid for accommodation had and enjoyed, while out of every pound sterling paid as rent by the Irish tenant there reverted to his credit, so long as he continued to fulfill his legal obligations, a certain proportion, calculable, valuable, and saleable, in the form of his tenant-right.

Many interesting quotations might be made if space permitted from Mr. Hurlbert's account of his visit to Mr. Kavanagh at Borris, and his inquiries into the working of the Plan of Campaign on the O'Grady, Ponsonby, Brooke, and Lansdowne properties. He had several interviews with influential priests, such as Father Keller at Youghal, and Dr. Dillon at Arklow, the latter, he notes, being "a strong disciple of Mr. Henry George and a firm believer in the doctrine of the nationalisation of the land," which he expects to see very soon at work in London. Mr. Hurlbert's opinion is not favourable to the tenants. Among other things he observes: -

I am assured, too, that the consumption of spirits all through this region has greatly increased of late years. "The official reports will show you," said one gentleman, "that the annual outlay upon whisky in Ireland equals the sum saved to the tenants by the reductions in rent." This is a proposition so remarkable that I simply record it for future verification, as having been made by a very quiet, cool, and methodical person, whose information on other points I have found to be correct. He tells me, too, as of his own knowledge, that in going over some financial matters with a small farmer in his neighbourhood, he ascertained, beyond a peradventure, that this farmer actually spent in whisky, for the use of his family, consisting of himself, his wife, and three adult children, nearly, or quite, 70 pounds a year! "You won't believe this" he said to me; "and if you print the statement nobody else will believe it; but for all that it is the simple unexaggerated truth."
Falstaff's reckoning at Dame Quickly's becomes a moderate score in comparison with this.

One of the most instructive sections of Mr. Hurlbert's book is devoted to those Nationalists who have revolted against the corrupt and immoral practices of the League. As the guest of Mr. Rolleston, whose remarkable pamphlet on "Boycotting" has lately attracted a good deal of notice, he met Mr. John O'Leary and others, who openly declare that they will not join with the "double-oathed" Parnellites in their schemes for "founding an Irish Republic on robbery, and administering it by falsehood." Mr. Hurlbert quotes a passage from a letter of Mr. Rolleston on this point: -

"I have been slowly forced," he wrote, "to the conclusion that the National League is a body which deserves nothing but reprobation from all who wish well to Ireland. It has plunged this country into a state of moral degradation, from which it will take us at least a generation to recover. It is teaching the people that no law of justice, of candour, of honour, or of humanity can be allowed to interfere with the political ends of the moment. It is, in fact, absolutely divorcing morality from politics. The mendacity of some of its leaders is shameless and sickening, and still more sickening is the complete indifference with which this mendacity is regarded in Ireland."

Perhaps there is no more striking instance of the demoralisation which revolts honest, if impracticable, Nationalists like Mr. O'Leary and Mr. Rolleston than the account of the persecution of an unfortunate woman named Ellen Gaffney, the wife of a boycotted man, on a false charge of infanticide. The Coroner's Court, which Mr. O'Brien and his like now extol as the sole asylum of justice, was scandalously perverted into an instrument for working out the will of the boycotters, and though the Court of Queen's Bench finally set aside proceedings which outraged both justice and common sense, as well as technical rules, the wrong done to the unhappy woman could not be repaired. The story is told at length in Mr. Hurlbert's second volume, and it is well deserving of study.
We now come to Mr. Hurlbert's conclusions. He says: -

I have seen and heard nothing in Ireland to warrant the very common impression that the country, as a whole, is either misgoverned or ungovernable; nothing to justify me in regarding the difficulties which there impede the maintenance of law and order as really indigenous and sponaneous....
There is, no doubt, a great deal of distress in one or another part of Ireland, though it has not been my fortune to come upon any outward and visible signs of such grinding misery as forces itself upon you in certain of the richest provinces of that independent, busy, prosperous, Roman Catholic kingdom of Belgium, which, on a territory little more than one-third as large as the territory of Ireland, maintains nearly a million more inhabitants, and adds to its population on an average, in round numbers, as many people in four years as Ireland loses in five.
I have seen peasant proprietors in Flanders and Brabant who could give the ideal Irish agent of the Nationalist newspapers lessons in rack-renting, though I am not at all sure that they might not get a hint or two themselves, from some of the small farmers who came in my way in Ireland.
He admits at the same time that the policy avowed by Mr. Redmond, M.P., at the Chicago Convention, of "making the government of Ireland by England impossible," has been temporarily successful; but what is to follow? -

I certainly can see nothing in the organisation and conduct down to this time of the party known as the party of the Irish Nationalists, I will not say to encourage, but even to excuse, a belief that Ireland could be governed as a civilised country were it turned over tomorrow to their control. A great deal has been done by them to propagate throughout Christendom a general impression that England has dismally failed to govern Ireland in the past, and is unlikely hereafter to succeed in governing Ireland. But even granting this impression to be absolutely well founded, it by no means follows that Ireland is any more capable of governing herself than England is of governing her. The Russians have not made a brilliant success of their administration in Poland, but the Poles certainly administered Poland no better than the Russians have done. With an Irish representation in an Imperial British Parliament at Westminster, Ireland, under Mr. Gladstone's "base and blackguard" Union of 1800, has at least succeeded in shaking off some of the weightiest of the burdens by which, in the days of Swift, of Gratton, and of O'Connell, she most loudly declared herself to be oppressed. Whether with a Parliament at Dublin she would have fared as well in this respect since 1800 must be a matter of conjecture merely - and it must be equally a matter of conjecture also whether she would fare any better in this respect with a Parliament at Dublin hereafter. I am in no position to pronounce upon this - but it is quite certain that nothing is more uncommon than to find an educated and intelligent man, not an active partisan in Ireland today, who looks forward to the re-establishment, in existing circumstances, of a Parliament at Dublin with confidence or hope.

Meanwhile the Government is endeavouring to restore the respect for law which is the basis of civilised society, by means which are denounced by Parnellites and Gladstonians as oppressive and iniquitous. Mr. Hurlbert does not share the opinion of these politicians.
Of the "Coercion" under which the Nationalist speakers and writers ask us in America to believe that the Island groans and travails, I have seen literally nothing. Nowhere in the world is the Press more absolutely free than today in Ireland. Nowhere in the world are the actions of men in authority more bitterly and unsparingly criticised. If public men or private citizens are sent to prison in Ireland, they are sent there, not as they were in America during the Civil War, or in Ireland under the "Coercion Act" of 1881, on suspicion of something they may have done, or may have intended to do, but after having been tried for doing, and convicted of having done, certain things made offences against the law by a Parliament in which they are represented, and of which, in some cases, they are members.

To call this "Coercion" is, from the American point of view, simply ludicrous. What it may be from the British or the Irish point of view is another affair, and does not concern me. I may be permitted however, I hope without incivility, to say that if this is "Coercion" from the British or the Irish point of view, I am well content to be an American citizen. Ours is essentially a government not of emotions, but of statutes, and most Americans, I think, will agree with me that the sage was right who declared it to be better to live where nothing is lawful than where all things are lawful.

The "Coercion" which I have found established in Ireland, and which I recognise in the title of this book, is the "Coercion" not of a government but of a combination to make a particular government impossible. It is a "Coercion" applied not to men who break a public law, or offend against any recognised code of morals, but to men who refuse to be bound in their personal relations and their business transactions by the will of other men, their equals only, clothed with no legal authority over them. It is a "Coercion" administered not by public and responsible functionaries, but by secret tribunals. Its sanctions are not the law, and honest public opinion, but the base instinct of personal cowardice, and the instinct, not less base, of personal greed. Whether anything more than a steady, firm administration of the law is needed to abolish this "Coercion" is a matter as to which authorities differ. I should be glad to believe with Colonel Saunderson that "the Leaguers would not hold up the "land-grabber" to execration, and denounce him as they do, unless they knew in fact that the moment the law is made supreme in Ireland the tenants would become just as amenable to it as any other subjects of the Queen." But some recent events suggest a doubt whether these "other subjects of the Queen" are as amenable to the law as my own countrymen are.

In Mr. Hurlbert's view there are now two, and only two, principles confronting each other in Ireland - that of agrarian revolution, represented by Davitt, and that of authority, represented, in the domain of politics, by the British Government, and in the domain of morals by the Vatican. He is convinced, as a sincere Roman Catholic ought, no doubt, to be, that the Vatican will secure its own domain against the inroads of revolution, and he thinks that if Mr. Balfour's policy be maintained for a certain time, without "fussy and feverish legislation," the political position can also be securely held. In the interests, both of the British Empire and the people of the United States, he wishes to see the demoralising influences to which the Irish masses are now subjected brought under effectual control; but the responsibility rests with the people of Great Britain, who must remember that, whatever other duties towards Ireland they may recognise, and be eager to discharge, "the first duty of a Government is to govern." Mr. Hurlbert's concluding words of warning are these: -

I have heard and read a good deal in the past of the "three F's," thought a panacea for Irish discontent. Three other F's seem to me quite as important to the future of Irish content and public order. These are - Fair dealing towards landlords as well as tenants; Finality of agrarian legislation at Westminster; and last, and most essential of all, Fixity of executive tenure.

Source: The Mercury, Saturday September 15, 1888

N.B. As I was transcribing this article, it crossed my mind how Lord Randolph Churchill must have reacted to Mr. William Henry Hurlbert's thoughts, opinions and close scrutiny of Ireland's Home Rule issues. The dates of these articles may be the answer!

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Wed 23 Nov 2011 - 1:21

Mrs. Hurlbert had something very interesting to say as to the existence of Wilfred Murray:

The London Law Journal publishes a letter from Mrs. William Henry Hurlbert. She says she knew Wilfred Murray and can prove that on several occasions he was with Miss Evelyn when Mr. Hurlbert was in a totally different locality. The Law Journal demands that the question thus raised again be cleared of uncertainty at once by a court of law.

Source: New York Herald, Sunday September 24, 1893, Page 9

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Wed 23 Nov 2011 - 1:26

The fact that ex-Editor William Henry Hurlbert is being followed by a Scotland yard detective, and the irate Gladys Evelyn, seems to indicate that since leaving the World he has taken up with the flesh and the devil.

Source: Elmira Telegram, Sunday December 20, 1891, Page 4

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Re: William Henry Hurlbert

Post by Karen on Wed 23 Nov 2011 - 22:38

HURLBERT'S CASE NOT ENDED.

And It Looks as Though a Big Conspiracy Might Be Unearthed.

LONDON, April 17. - The Hurlbert-Evelyn case is not by any means ended. The report cabled that a verdict had been found for the actress was untrue. The interest in the case is intense to an unparalleled degree, and a big conspiracy seems to be looming up. It has developed that the Wilfred Murray whom Mr. Hurlbert employed used several aliases, one of which was McDermott, and it is asserted that he was the famous "Red Jim," although Mr. Hurlbert emphatically denies this.
The court was again thronged to hear Mr. Hurlbert's testimony. He made a splendid witness. His answers were emphatic, decisive, and pointed, and the opposing counsel absolutely failed to shake his testimony, which made out a clear case of conspiracy. Mr. Hurlbert's friends were jubilant and several times burst into applause until the judge threatened to clear the court.
Intense curiosity prevails as to the identity of Mr. Hurlbert's secretary, Murray. Every time the plaintiff's counsel pressed Mr. Hurlbert as to Murray's antecedents and avocations Sir R. Webster instantly interfered with objections to this line of inquiry, the upshot of which he evidently dreaded. This remains the most mysterious element in the case, and the efforts of the Attorney-General to exclude everything calculated to illumine it causes much comment. If Mr. Hurlbert's witnesses bear out his testimony it is likely that the woman will be indicted for conspiracy, unless the fear of the identity of Murray being discovered ties the hands of the authorities. Mr. Hurlbert's statement that he intended to hunt Murray until he caught him seemed to tickle the fancy of Evelyn, for she smiled incredulously at her counsel.
The fact is that the inability of Mr. Hurlbert to produce Murray and have him subjected to cross examination must have been relied upon by the conspirators as the strongest point against him. There is no doubt that Murray, whether he be McDermott or not, is a government spy, whom there are political reasons for keeping in the dark, and Sir R. Webster's presence in the case is due to the anxiety of the government to prevent disclosures.
Mr. Hurlbert has not yet produced any witness who knows Murray, but may do so later on. Much, probably, will depend on the completeness with which his counsel proves the existence of such a person.

Source: The Ogdensburg Journal, Saturday April 18, 1891

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